(English) Interview to Anarchist Magazine “Kalinov Most”

Gracias a Anarchist News por la traducción al inglés.

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March 11, 2023

As part of the initial proposals of FIAKA, there was the idea of ​​doing some interviews or contributions from comrades from other latitudes for their reflection inside the camp and their subsequent publication. Not all of them could materialize in the way we expected, but the contributions were made, some through audio, others through letters and interviews that we will gradually bring to light. The time and effort that organizing and coordinating with our faraway comrades demanded, slowed down the process. Nevertheless, the comrades from international anarchist magazine Kalinov Most sent us their contributions through this interview. We hope that they serve to revitalize discussions among colleagues, and we appreciate your effort. Health!

1- In what context did the Kalinov Most magazine arise, what ideas did you have and what organizational challenges did you encounter when launching the project?

KM emerged in 2017 as an international initiative that sought to share experiences and visions to deepen and extend the conflict. In its beginnings, the magazine had the participation of comrades from the regions of Chile, France, and the Spanish State, territories that presented particular contexts, different from each other. While in Chile the struggle waged in the streets, by high school students in particular, intensified causing imbalances in the everyday normality of citizens’ lives, in the Spanish State the repressive blows against militant anarchist milieus generated breaks that can still be seen today. As for the French territory, it was immersed in a context of arduous protests against the labor law. This climate of widespread riots has continued over time, manifesting itself, among other things, in the hundreds of attacks on the telecommunications infrastructure. KM was proposed as a magazine by and for anarchic environments, trying to address issues that we saw (and see), necessary to be deepened in order to strengthen anarchic discourses and practices. It was precisely that objective, the incentive for the creation of this magazine: to qualify confrontational anarchic positions through reflection and the exchange of visions between comrades from different territories. It is important to note that by the year 2017, both in Chilean territory and in the Spanish state, anarchist magazines that openly bet on insurrection were non-existent, which is why we saw the urgent need for a project that presented clear proposals in that direction.

Today Kalinov Most counts with the collaboration of comrades from Chile, Spain and Italy on the editorial committee, while the publication is translated and published in Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil, Mexico, Spain and soon in Italy. The vicissitudes of the struggle have also meant that comrades participating in the publication ended up in prison, and have continued to collaborate with this magazine in the same way as they did on the streets. Showing us in practice a way to get imprisoned comrades out of the passive role of recipients of solidarity, so that they continue to participate in the same initiatives that they did on the streets.

2- Currently in Mexico there are very few constant anarchist publications that have a critique of contemporary contexts and reflections, many of these are limited to uncritical approaches to historical aspects that border on mythification. Regarding the above: How do you perceive yourselves in the face of the variety of anarchist publications existing in Chile? And how do you propose to link the information to local contexts of struggle, taking into account that you also consider yourselves an international magazine?

Currently, Kalinov Most is the only anarchist magazine published in the Chilean territory. Until a while ago there were around 3 more publications which, in our opinion, made the panorama within the movement more interesting, since it helped complement perspectives. The few web pages that still remain, gave way to an expansion of social network profiles as counterinformation, a dynamic that prevents the deepening of ideas and debate.

As we pointed out, the magazine seeks to exchange experiences and visions between different territories with the purpose of qualifying the anarchic approaches to combat. However, what is sought with this exchange is to learn about different realities and different contexts in order to intertwine them, thus complementing our vision on a particular topic. For example, knowing how comrades have faced specific situations in a given territory will undoubtedly help to face similar problems in the local context.

Expanding our outlook is a decisive factor for facing the struggle at the local level.

3- In the past centuries (XIX and XX) anarchist and revolutionary groups and individuals made great efforts to give themselves a voice through publications, obtaining printers, printing clandestinely and creating distribution networks from hand to hand. This in a context where information was monopolized by political groups and powerful figures linked to the state-capital or church, monopolizing television stations, newspapers and magazines, with the ability to generate strong discourses about “the truth”, and which could hardly be questioned, also resorting to state repression, legal or illegal, to silence dissent. We are not saying that this has changed, but rather that, within the framework of the digital age and social networks, the possibility of creating diverse and contradictory narratives has become widespread. So, as an up-to-date anarchist magazine: How do you enter into the dispute to share critical information in the face of restrictions, monopolies and biases that exist regarding “the truth”? For example, when you have touched on issues related to technological progress or the pandemic, your reflections have not been enclosed within the sphere of the”conspiracy theory” or “anti-vax” narrative, since they do not adhere to those currents.

More than sharing information, the magazine seeks to encourage reflection through analysis on specific topics. In this sense, we do not intend to compete with the hegemonic visions, but rather seek to question and destroy them. On the other hand, the publication mainly deals with aspects within the anarchist movement, taking positions on the matter. Based on the analysis, a stance is taken while leaving it open to be debated, and encouraging the exchange of ideas. Certainly the social context influences the dynamics within the anarchic movement and therefore also in the articles of the magazine, however they do not determine them. The purpose, as we pointed out, is to strengthen combative anarchism and not to oppose one truth over another, we don’t consider ourselves the bearers of truth. We’re the enemies of all dogma, and therefore of any idea that is posited as “the truth”.

4- In current times, the right has been presenting itself as the new “critical” and “rebel” position against a leftism that has led to consolidate new, and update old, authoritarian tendencies. Do you think that the spread of right-wing, transhumanist, “anarcho”-capitalist positions through the internet has affected anarchic environments?

In Chilean territory, these positions gained some strength after the revolt, linked to extreme right-wing groups that, fueling the confusion, raised positions like this. This did not generate any confusion in anarchic environments, but they became just one more expression of the defenders of the existing order, unleashing confrontations and street fights with these groups that joined forces with extremist Catholics, monarchists, and other even more bizarre fauna.

For us, written reflection is essential, which is why we have prioritized print editions over digital ones. Along with the convenience of reading a paper magazine, we think it is essential to maintain and strengthen the press and written propaganda since its durability isn’t determined by the fragility of the Internet. In this way, we are also going against the current of the rhythms imposed by power, which we see as extremely important in the search for autonomous paths.

5- What importance do you attach to written reflection (printed or virtual) in times of information hypervelocity, where Twitter only allows you to use 280 characters ,or the TikTok trend of 3-minute informative videos?

By betting on going against the current of the frenetic pace imposed by power means, among other things, that we see social media and their dynamics as a danger to the development of in-depth reflection and, therefore, the exchange of ideas that result in the strengthening of anarchic discourses and practices.

The superficiality of social media has led in many cases to the emptying of content of anarchic proposals, which has led to positions far removed from the fight against authority. Related to this, aesthetics has gained primacy: it no longer matters what it is or seeks to be, but what counts is the appearance, the image that is disseminated, regardless of whether it is linked to certain behaviors or practices, which is undeniably a consequence of the dynamics generated by social media.

On the other hand, without a doubt the use of social media facilitates the dissemination of activities, demonstrations, and events that are happening. Perhaps this has a positive influence on calls, and helps us react more quickly, for example, in the face of a repression. However, we think that the disastrous consequences of social media are more important, and affect in greater depth than the benefits that it may bring us.

6- It is a fact that in recent years many anarchist and social processes have responded to local events of an international nature mediated by social media, hooking us to the agenda of the “trending topic” (eg George Floyd, Me too), and that social networks have become a strange arena for “justice”, where although we consider that the denunciation and confrontation of authoritarian figures or groups is always necessary, doing it on social media tends to generate a decontextualization or a media trial that could clash with our anti-prison and anti-punitive approaches. In your opinion: What has been the influence of social media on anarchic environments regarding these and other similar situations?

(I think we answered it with the previous question)

7- Taking into account the advance of the insurrectional character, and of anarchist self-organization in the last decades, due to the social revolt in 2019: Do you identify any advance in the repressive strategies of the state through technological means? And if so, how have you responded to such a situation?

In Kalinov Most 8 we have already delved into this topic in an article titled “The repressive strategies of the State”.

Since the intensification of the anarchic offensive in Chilean territory, the advances of the repressive mechanisms have been evident. The police, together with the prosecutor’s office, have created a special team dedicated exclusively to investigating the placement of explosive and incendiary devices. It does not matter if a bomb explodes in Santiago or in Arica (extreme north of Chile), the police team in charge of investigating will be the same. Along with this, the proliferation of surveillance cameras that are found in every corner of the city has helped the labor of repression, which has specialized in the analyzing and monitoring them, triangulating the information they provide, achieving in several cases the identification of those responsible for the attacks. There are cases in which the monitoring of the cameras have managed to capture images of comrades long before the attack was carried out, which has ultimately made it possible for them to be identified. This, as we pointed out, is due to the interconnection of the city’s security cameras along with the expertise of the repressive team that has perfected itself in said investigations.

Despite this, the explosive and incendiary attacks have continued, which, in our view, is the best response to these repressive adjustments.

8- In Mexico, through several presidential terms, a gradual and camouflaged process of militarization of the territory has been taking place, first promoted by the right with the National Action Party (PAN), and currently by the left (MORENA). Bearing in mind that Chile comes from a history of military dictatorship, which has been veiled by democratization processes, could you mention what have been the mechanisms that both those in power and citizens use to help consolidate militarism, and how have they been translated into moments of social tension, such as the revolt of 2019 and others?

Since the October revolt, the military presence in this territory has been constant, which has evidently strengthened militarism. The states of exception have not ceased: first because of the revolt, then with the excuse of Covid-19, and now with the military takeover of Mapuche territory. The voices from power forcefully call for the military to control “illegal migration” in northern Chile, demonstrating that currently all sectors of partisan politics see the need for constant military protection in the streets. This is undoubtedly supported by a large part of the citizenry who went from questioning and criticizing them in October 2019, to requesting and demanding their presence today.

What we pointed out is something that is ongoing, therefore we believe trying to reveal the mechanisms behind this militarism is hasty. However, the establishment’s media plays a decisive role in this, tirelessly transmitting that feeling of insecurity which is fundamental in the strengthening of control and surveillance apparatuses.

The trend, as in the rest of the Western world, is towards the militarization of society, something that we must keep in mind to identify ways to confornt it.

9- What agreements and disagreements have there been within the anarchist movement around the constituent process in Chile?

The constituent process, like the last presidential elections between a social democratic candidate and one from the hard right, has generated several ruptures and breaks between people. Many went to vote for the “lesser evil”, or out of fear of fascism, while others voted in the constituent process to “improve existing conditions”. And well, although no organization, collective, or publication took a position in favor of these processes, there were quite a few individuals who attended to vote or even defended those processes, insulting those who questioned and rejected any trust in the institutional framework. The democratic drunkenness lasted very little, and the hangover is deep for them, who are largely regretful or ashamed of having trusted that process.

Neatly, we can draw the importance of taking a strong stance in these situations that are presented as “dead ends”, where you have to choose something, or else others will. Anarchy knows how to overcome and blow up those crossroads that only seek to legitimize dominance.

10- How have you criticized and distanced yourselves from the entrenched left (guerrillas, old and cumbersome organizations of the left) that has had contact with anarchist circles? For example, in these lands, it seems taboo – even among some anarchists – to question the EZLN and to do so, even with first-hand knowledge, has led many comrades to be branded as “racist, bourgeois, privileged, counterrevolutionary, etc.”

The criticism of leftist positions has been permanent, sometimes from the theoretical level and many others from the practical level, but it is no less true that there is a wide range of other non-anarchist revolutionaries with whom we can make alliances, coordinate, and find points in common.

Despite that, it is important to evince our differences, so that from there we can look for points in common. We believe that criticism can and should be extended to everyone, but always with the intention of sharpening the conflict with power and not an excuse for passivity.

11- We have seen posters circulate of various anarchist meetings and activities, especially in Chile, with the slogan “alcohol and smoke free activity.” Here in Mexico it is very rare and usually problematic to carry out activities with this proposal. Could you tell us something about this?

That is part of the current history of the anarchist movement, during the 90s or 2000s, it was also unthinkable, but certain sectors began to swim against the current and carry out activities no alcohol or smoking allowed, seeking to differentiate political activities from parties or spaces for entertainment. This over time spread, not without criticism and ridicule from those who usr alcohol as a crutch for socialzing. If we add to this the presence of children in activities and the fierce criticism of drug trafficking, the situation has already become a necessity.

There are still some activities where the use of alcohol is common, but in general anarchist activities are characterized by being far from that, despite the caricature that still abounds of the drunken and drug addicted anarchopunk.

12- We thank you for your participation in FIAKA, from Mexico we have always been very attentive to what is happening in Chile and other places in the south, we hope that this contribution can continue to promote debate, criticism and self-criticism so that the anarchist plague can continue spreading disobedience and freedom to more people, and that the revolt can continue to break the foundations of this nefarious society. Would you like to add anything else?

We regret that these words could not have arrived on time and were unable to generate a discussion, but the doors are always open for this and other initiatives. We send a strong greeting to our comrades of Konspriación Iconoclasta who have distributed the magazine throughout the Mexican territory, making flesh, paper, and ink the practical expressions of internationalism.

We leave the invitation to whoever wants to collaborate with a text through an external contribution to the magazine, and also to any initiative to write, discuss, inform, or whatever we may able to contribute.

Always complicit hugs and greetings!

Interview conducted by FIAKA with Kalinov Most in December 2022 (Mexico-Chile).